Monday, November 04, 2024

The Confession of the Lady Elizabeth's Grace. 1548. [Spelling modernized.]

The following is properly called a “deposition” in modern terms. Elizabeth had become a pawn in the deadly sibling rivalry of the Seymour brothers, Edward, the Lord Protector of the realm, and Thomas, the Lord Admiral. The two were supremely ambitious.

The Admiral had hosted Princess Elizabeth until his wife, the Dowager Queen of England, Catherine Parr, sent her away in May of 1548. He took every opportunity to be familiar with the princess in the morning before she had dressed. When Parr died, shortly after child birth, the

No longer married to the Queen of England, the Admiral's stock had gone down. He went out of his way to visit Elizabeth and to offer favors and advice in hopes that she would declare for him and the council be unable to refuse.

At the time of this deposition, and the deadly serious machinations around it, Elizabeth was no more than 15 years old.

[In the hand of Elizabeth]

KAT. ASHLEY told me, after that my Lord Admiral was married to the Queen, that if my Lord might have had his owne Will, he would have had me, afore the Queen. Then I asked her how she knew that: Then she said, she knew it well enough, both by himself and by others. The Place, where she said this, I have forgotten, for she hath spoken to me of him many Times, and of the which I have forgotten divers Times.


[In the hand of Tyrwhit]

2. Another Time, after the Queen was dead, Kat. Ashley would have had me to have written a Letter to my Lord Admiral, to have comforted him of his Sorrow, because he had been my Friend in the Queen's Time; for he would think great Kindness therein. Then I said I would not do so, for it needs not: Then said she; if your Grace will not, then will I. And as I do remember I did see it; but what the affect of it was I do not remember.

3. Another Time I asked her, what News was at London; and she said, that the Voice went there, that my Lord Admiral should marry me: Then I smiled at it, and said, it was but a London News.

4. Another Time, she said, you shall see shortly, that he that would fain have had you, before he married the Queen, will come now to woo you: Then I answered her, though he himeself would peradventure have me, yet I think the Council will not consent to it; for, I think, by that you said, that if he had had his own Will, he would have had me, I thought there was no let, but only the Council, of his Part.

5. Another Time; I suspect she told me, that if the Council did consent to it, she thought it was not amiss. By which sayings, and all the rest, “That if the Council would consent to it, I thought she had right good Will therunto.”

6. How be it at another Time she said, she would not wish I should have him, for because that she, that he had before, did so Miscarry. Another Time when Parry had writ home that my Lord Admiral would lend me his House; when she had read it, she told me it was best for Parry to ask Master Denny's Advice therefor; and so she sent him Word.

7. After, when Parry had declared to me, for [her chaplain] Allen's Matter, what my Lord Admiral had said, and also for Durham-Place, he told me, that my Lord asked, whether my Patent was sealed or no. He told me, that my Lord told him the Expenses of his House, and inquired of mine.

8. Another Time, he asked me whether, if the Council did consent thereto, to have my Lord Admiral, whether I would consent or no. Then I asked him what he meant to ask me that, or who bade him say so: He answered that no Body bade him say so; but that he gathered by his asking of these Queſstyions before, that he meant some such Thing: Then I said it was but his foolish gathering.

9. Another Time he told me, that my Lord Admiral wished that my Lands were changed into certain Lands that was the Queen's.

10. Another Time he brought me commendations from my Lord Admiral, and said, that he advised me to make haste to get my Patent sealed, and get it into my Hands: Then I asked him why so hastily; then he said, he thought, when I had my Patent sure, that he would go about to get the Council's Consent to have me.

11. Another Time he told me, that my Lord Admiral would wish me that I lay at Ashridge, because that when he went down into the Country, it was in his Way, and that he would see me.


[In the hand of Elizabeth]

My Lord, these are the Articles which I do remember, that both she and the Cofferer talked with me of; and if there be any more behind which I have not declared as yet, I shall most hardily desire your Lordship and the rest of the Council, not to think that I do willingly conceal them, but that I have indeed forgotten them. For if I did know them, and did not declare them, I were wonderfully and above all the rest to be rebuked, considering how friendly your Grace has both written to me in Letters, and counseled me by Messages, to declare what I knowe herein. Also I assure your Lordship that if there be any more which I have not told (which I think there be not) I will send you Word of them, as they come to my Mind.


Source: A Collection of State Papers (1740). Samuel Haynes, ed. 


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Saturday, October 26, 2024

Witches, Hallowe'en and Shakespeare.

For centuries now, the experts have steadily come to realize that Macbeth was not entirely written by Shakespeare. The individual reasons for this are many and more under debate.

Horace Howard Furness, editor of the Variorum edition of the play chooses to think that he sees a difference between Middleton's witches and Shakespeare's.

The witches in IV, i. are just like Middleton's witches, only superior in quality. They are clearly the originals from whom his imitations were taken.1

The reference is to the second gathering of the witches. Furness thinks the version in Macbeth better than in Middleton's The Witch.

The first gathering, in Macbeth, gives us a much darker tone and threatening recipe. These are the “wierd sisters”2 of Shakespeare's main source for the play, Holinshed's Chronicles. But the common belief of those who first heard of the encounter, according to Holinshed, was that “these women were either the weird sisters, that is (as ye would say) the goddesses of destinie, or else some nymphs or feiries”.3

In a diary entry, by Simon Foreman, describing a performance of Macbeth, in 1611, the women are described as “3 women feiries or Nimphes” precisely as in Holinshed. In the Globe version of the play, at the time, it would appear there were no women described as “witches” but only as weird sisters, fairies and nymphes, precisely as in Holinshed. This strongly suggests a rewrite of the play after April of 1611 in which the nymphs or fairies were transformed into witches after the style of Middleton.

In the opinion of Clark and Wright, editors of the Clarendon Press edition of the play,

On the whole, we incline to think that the play was interpolated after Shakespeare's death, or at least after he had withdrawn from all connection with the theatre. The interpolator was, not improbably, Thomas Middleton; who, to please the "groundlings," expanded the parts originally assigned by Shakespeare to the weird sisters, and also introduced a new character, Hecate. The signal inferiority of her speeches is thus accounted for.4

No sign of Shakespeare here, for these editors, and both they and Furness (and a good many others) see Middleton as clearly the model from which the witches are drawn.

Well, hey! It's Hallowe'en. No need to follow the trail from Middleton to Shakespeare any farther than we have for now. The rest can wait its proper place. Time instead to have a little fun looking on at two of the better depictions of witches in Tudor and Early Stuart plays.


from Shakespeare's Macbeth

Thunder. Enter the three Witches.


I. Thrice the brinded Cat hath mew'd.

2. Thrice, and once the Hedge-Pigge whin'd.

3. Harpie cries, 'tis time, 'tis time.

1. Round about the Caldron go:

In the poysond Entrailes throw

Toad, that under cold stone,

Dayes and Nights, ha's thirty one:

Sweltred Venom sleeping got,

Boyle thou first i'th'charmed pot.

All. Double, double, toile and trouble;

Fire burne, and Cauldron bubble.

2. Fillet of a Fenny Snake,

In the Cauldron boyle and bake:

Eye of Newt, and Toe of Frogge,

Wool of Bat, and Tongue of Dogge:

Adders Forke, and Blinde-wormes Sting,

Lizards legge, and Howlets wing:

For a Charme of powrefull trouble,

Like a Hell-broth, boyle and bubble.

All. Double, double, toyle and trouble,

Fire burne, and Cauldron bubble.

3. Scale of Dragon, Tooth of Wolfe,

Witches Mummey, Maw, and Gulfe

Of the ravin'd salt Sea sharke:

Roote of Hemlocke, digg'd i'th'darke:

Liver of Blaspheming Jew,

Gall of Goate, and Slippes of Yew,

Sliver'd in the Moones Ecclipse:

Nose of Turke,and Tartars lips:

Finger of Birth-strangled Babe,

Ditch-deliver'd by a Drab,

Make the Grewell thicke, and slab.

Adde thereto a Tigers Chawdron,

For th'Ingredience of our Cawdron.

All. Double, double, toyle and trouble,

Fire burne,and Cauldron bubble.

2. Coole it with a Baboones blood,

Then the Charme is firme and good.


[Enter Hecat, and the other three Witches.


Hec. O well done: I commend your paines,

And every one shall share i'th'gaines:

And now about the Cauldron sing

Like Elves and Fairies in a Ring,

Inchanting all that you put in.

Musicke and a Song. Blacke Spirits, &c.

2. By the pricking of my Thumbes,

Something wicked this way comes:

Open Lockes, who ever knockes.5



from Middleton's The Witch

A Charm-Song about a Vessel.


Black spirits and white, red spirits and gray,

Mingle, mingle, mingle, you that mingle may!

Titty, Tiffin,

Keep it stiff in;

Firedrake, Puckey,

Make it lucky ;

Liard, Robin,

You must bob in.

Round, around, around, about, about!

All ill come running in, all good keep out !

First Witch. Here's the blood of a bat.

Hec. Put in that, O, put in that!

Sec. Witch. Here's libbard's-bane.

Hec. Put in again!

First Witch. The juice of toad, the oil of adder.

Sec. Witch. Those will make the younker madder.

Hec. Put in—there's all—and rid the stench.

Firestone. Nay, here's three ounces of the red-hair'd wench.

All the Witches. Round, around, around, &c.

Hec. So, so, enough: into the vessel with it.

There, 't hath the true perfection. I'm so light

At any mischief ! there's no villany

But is a tune, methinks.

Fire. A tune ? 'tis to the tune of damnation then I warrant

you, and that song hath a villanous burthen. [Aside.

Hec. Come, my sweet sisters; let the air strike our tune,

Whilst we show reverence to yond peeping moon,

[They dance the Witches' Dance, and exeunt.6



1 The New Variorum Edition of Shakespeare: Macbeth, 243.

2 Variorum, 387. Citing Holinshed's Chronicles, I.iii.59.

3 Ibid.

4 Variorum, 366, citing p. viii, 1869

5Variorum, 244 ff.

6Bullen, A. H. The Works of Thomas Middleton, V. 445-6.


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Sunday, October 13, 2024

The christening of Prince Edward, the most dearest son of King Henry the VIIIth. October 15, 1537.

The following is the account in the State Papers Office of the christening of the future King Edward VI. It is collated from at least three anonymous authors. Quotation marks are used inconsistently and I've removed a number. They were meant to highlight the fact that part of the account comes from instructions composed before the event and part from actual description composed after the event.


The christening of Prince Edward, the most dearest son of King Henry the VIIIth of yt name.

"By the provision of God, Our Lady S. Mary, and the glorious martyr S. George, on the 12 day of October, the feast of St. Wilfrid, the vigil of St, Edward, which was on the Friday, about two o'clock in the morning, was born at Hampton Court Edward son to King Henry the VIIIth," year 1537, Dominical letter G., 29 Henry VIII., "which was not christened till the Monday next following."

Incontinent [unable to contain their joy] after the birth Te Deum was sung in Paul's and other churches of the city, and great fires [were made] in every street, and goodly banquetting and triumphing cheer with shooting of guns all day and night, and messengers were sent to all the estates and cities of the realm, to whom were given great gifts.

The preparations ordained for the said christening at Hampton Court.

Describing minutely the course of the procession and the decorations of the chapel, with the positions occupied by the officers of the household (Sir John Russell, Sir Fras. Bryan, Sir Nic. Carew, and Sir Ant. Browne in aprons and towels were to take charge of the font until discharged by the lord Steward, or, in his absence, the Treasurer of the Household).

The order of going to the christening was: First, certain gentlemen two and two bearing torches not lighted until the prince be Christened. Then the children and ministers of the King's chapel, with the dean, " not singing going outward." Gentlemen esquires and knights two and two. Chaplains of dignity two and two. Abbots and bishops. The King's councillors. Lords two and two. The comptroller and treasurer of the Household. The ambassadors. The three lords chamberlains and the lord Chamberlain of England in the midst. The lord Cromwell, being lord Privy Seal, and the lord Chancellor. The duke of Norfolk and abp. of Canterbury. A pair of covered basins borne by the earl of Sussex, supported by the lord Montague. A " taper of virgin wax borne by the earl of Wiltshire in a towel about his neck."A salt of gold similarly borne by the earl of Essex." Then the crysome richly garnished borne by the lady Elizabeth, the King's daughter: the same lady for her tender age was borne by the viscount Beauchamp with the assistance of the lord. "Then the Prince borne under the canopy by the lady marquis of Exeter, assisted by the duke of Suffolk and the marquis her husband. The lady mistress went between the prince and the supporter. The train of the Prince's robe borne by the earl of Arundel and sustained by the lord William Howard." The nurse to go equally with the supporter of the train, and with her the midwife. The canopy over the Prince borne by Sir Edw. Nevyll, Sir John Wallop, Ric. Long, Thomas Semere, Henry Knyvet, and Mr. Ratclif, of the Privy Chamber. The "tortayes" of virgin wax borne about the canopy by Sir Humph. Foster, Robt. Turwytt, George Harper, and Ric. Sowthwell. Next after the canopy my lady Mary, being lady godmother, her train borne by lady Kingston. All the other ladies of honour in their degrees.

When the Prince was christened all the torches were lighted and Garter King at Arms proclaimed his name (proclamation verbatim, titles duke of Cornwall and earl of Chester).

This done, this service following was in time the Prince was making ready in his traverse, and Te Deum sung:—

First, to the lady Mary the lord William to give the towel and the lord Fytzwater to bear covered basins, and the lord Montagew; to uncover. Item, to the bishop that doth administer, the lord Butler to bear the towel, the lord Bray to bear the basins and the lord Delaware to uncover. To the duke of Norfolk and abp. of Canterbury, godfathers, the lordSturton to bear the towel and the lord Wentworth to give the water. To serve the ladies Mary and Elizabeth with spices, wafers, and wine: the lord Hastings to bear the cup to lady Mary, and the lord Delaware that to lady Elizabeth; lord

Dacres of the South to bear the spice plates to both, lord Cobham the wafers, and lord Montagewf to uncover the spice plate. The bishop that doth administer, the duke of Norfolk and abp. of Canterbury, godfathers at the font, and the duke of Suffolk, godfather at the confirmation, to be likewise served by knights appointed by the lord Chamberlain. All other estates and gentles within the church were served with spice and ypocras, and all other had bread and sweet wine.

The going homeward was like the coming outward, saving that the taper, salt and basin were left and the gifts of the gossips carried, i.e. Lady Mary, a cup of gold borne by the earl of Essex; the archbishop, 3 great bowls and 2 great pots, silver and gilt, borne by the earl of Wiltshire; Norfolk, ditto, borne by the earl of Sussex; Suffolk, 2 great flagons and 2 great pots, silver and gilt, borne by Viscount Beauchamp. Lady Elizabeth went with her sister Lady Mary and Lady Herbert of Troy to bear the train. Sounding of the trumpets. Taking of " assayes." The Prince was then borne to the King and Queen and had the blessing of God, Our Lady, and St. George, and his father and mother; and the same day the King gave great largess,



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The Marvelous Tale of Thomas Becket's Birth.

“The following beautiful legend has come down to us, of the loves of Gilbert and Matilda,” says J. A. Giles, in his The Life and Letters of Thomas à Becket, of the saint's parents, “and there seems no reason to doubt the facts which it relates...”. Giles having done largely yeoman's work in his two volume work, one might be tempted to take his word on the matter and his brief source citation: “The first quadrilogus.”

But the tale seems so incredible that one goes to the purported source, in volume 4 of Robertson's Materials for the History of Thomas Becket (1879), where one finds “Machildis” as the name of Thomas's mother, a copyist's error for Matilda. This would seem to be the only place in which his mother's name is said to be Matilda.

But nothing else of our tale, beside the name, is found in the Quadrilogus I. Nothing even remotely related to the tale can be found there. Giles has taken nothing from it but the alternative name of Thomas à Becket's mother. Neither is the least hint found in the biography contained in the Lambeth Manuscript, which informs us that Gilbert was not a native Englishman but rather born in Rouen and his wife "a lady of Caen".

When Gilbert was a young man, he took upon him our Lord's cross by way of penance, and set out for the Holy Land, accompanied by a single serving man, whose name was Richard. As these two were on their way with others to offer up their prayers at the holy places, they were surprised by an ambuscade, made prisoners, and given in chains to be the slaves of a certain Amurath, and chief of the Pagans. Here they remained some time, earning a scanty subsistence by the daily labour of their hands. A year and half passed away in this Sclavonian bondage, and Gilbert began to attract more notice and respect than the others, particularly in the eyes of Amurath, with whom he got into such favour, that he often, though still in chains, waited on him at table, and conversed with him and his guests on the customs and manners of different countries. For his sake, also, much favour was extended to his fellow captives, principally by the mediation of Amurath's only daughter, a beautiful and courtly damsel, who, as will be shown presently, was smitten with love for the captive Gilbert.1


This, of course, is so much in the style of a medieval prose romance that it is clear in a moment that it is not legitimate biography. Nothing more is known of the actual Gilbert Becket except for his name. Thomas did say that he was “not among the lowest”.2

Farther along we will learn that Gilbert escapes and returns to England. Matilda undertakes the dangerous journey to join him there.


Night and day were given up to deliberation, until at length, one night, when all were buried in sleep, she arose by herself, and concealing her design from every one, she took a small quantity of provisions with her, that she might not be encumbered, and committed herself to all the dangers of such a stealthy flight, forgetful in the excitement of her anticipated escape, of all the wealth of her father, which would, after his death, have come to her. Wonderful indeed was the courage of this woman, and the depth of her love which emboldened her to execute so difficult and dangerous a deed! Noble as she was, and the heiress to a rich estate, she cast aside the parental tie, and though frail and delicate, she braved all the terrors of poverty, all the dangers of a long extent of country and of a stormy sea, alone and unaided, for the love of one man so far away from her, so utterly a stranger to her; though it was uncertain whether she ever should find him, or even if he was yet alive, still less certain whether he would marry her, even when he should be found!

Of course, Matilda finds her way to London and Gilbert. There she is baptized by six bishops at St. Paul's.


A day was then fixed, namely the morrow, on which she was conducted into the presence of the afore said bishops in the Church of St. Paul, where was a baptistery prepared in which she should be baptized.


She and Gilbert are married, immediately thereafter, and little Thomas conceived in short order.

But whence came this tale? It is nowhere in the standard materials relating to the life of the saint. Thanks to the Internet it only took a couple of hours to find a discussion of the matter on a site called the Literature Stack Exchange.3

With that for a start, I would soon find that numerous versions of the tale began to appear c. 1300, with and without Gilbert Becket for protagonist, and would continue until at least the 19th century.

One such tale, entitled “Ici poez oyer coment seint Thomas de Kaunterbures nasqui” ["Here you can hear how Saint Thomas of Canterbury was Born"] is available via Early English Books Online.4


Gilbert Becket was his name: the book tells me

Also his Mother was of heatheness


[Gilbert Bekat was is name : þe bok tellez me.

Ake is Moder was of heþenesse]


All of a number of versions published in manuscript form around the 14th century seem to have been in Middle English. At least one, which will have to await a better time, is written in Middle English salted with Latin and Old French.

What in the world possessed Giles to declare the tale genuine biography and to point to the Quadrilogus I, I can only guess. These things happen to prolific writers such as himself. Anyway, I link to the full tale in Giles's modern English translation here [link].


1Giles, John Allen The Life and Letters of Thomas à Becket (1846). 14ff.

2Froude, James Anthony. Life and Times of Thomas Becket (1885). 16n2. “Nec omnino infimi”. It was reported in a contemporary biography of Thomas that Gilbert had served as sheriff of London but no confirming evidence would seem to be available.

4“Ici poez oyer coment seint Thomas de Kaunterbures nasqui.” https://quod.lib.umich.edu/c/cme/AHA2708.0001.001/1:3.18?rgn=div2;view=fulltext




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Sunday, October 06, 2024

An Italian riding tale out of Bartello.

In my Shakespeare in 1573: Aprenticeship and Scandal I present various details relating to the volume An Hundreth Sundrie Flowers first published in that year. The opening flowers were the works of George Gascoigne, a squire's son seeking position in the Court through his pen. Explanatory material introducing the second half of the first edition, states that the Flowers that followed were an anthology of the works of certain outstanding young court poets.

13. The anthology section begins with the publication of explanatory letters by the editor, G.T., and the friend who he consulted. H.W.’s letter leads the way.

IN August last passed my familiar friend Master G. T. bestowed vppon me ye reading of a written Booke, wherin he had collected diuers discourses & verses, inuented vppon sundrie occasions, by sundrie gentlemen (in mine opinion) right commendable for their capacitie1

The poems are a collection from talented gentlemen poets of their acquaintance. It is unspoken that, being socially connected members of the gentle classes, such a favor might be returned upon the correspondents to considerable benefit in the future.2

Appeals for approval from the public, such as commercial publication, were frowned upon by the English nobility. A courtier was expected to be a supremely gifted amateur, their social milieu their readers. The Court was intended to be a place shared by a select few in all regards including poetry.

The advent of the printing press was changing that, though. More of the general public and upper-class women were learning how to read. Such manuscript anthologies as H.W. speaks of were occasionally finding their way into print. Some of the contents were anonymous. Others featured initials or monikers. All tended to be among the more popular works of poetry.

Among the reasons for anonymity was that the poems contained private information. Poems of young courtiers necessarily included private details of the Royal Court. Human nature being what it is, anthologies of courtier poems, then, were particular best sellers.

The anthology section of An Hundreth Sundrie Flowers, composed largely of love poems, did indeed cause an uproar. In particular, by virtue of a poetry and prose narrative “A discourse of the adventures passed by Master F.I.” in which a young man has an affair with the Elinor, Mistress of a castle. The love poems — many of them in the forms we now call the “Shakespearean sonnet” and “Venus and Adonis stanza” — would surely have been recognized by the real-life model for this mistress. Also the details of the affair.

Gascoigne had been a mercenary in the Netherlands, at the time the volume appeared, trying to replenish the funds he'd thrown away in a first attempt to appear impressive at the Court. The fact, he hoped, would allow him to personally side-step the fury of the queen and her advisors. But how to save the reputation of the young courtiers from having unadvisedly allowed a manuscript to be made of their poems which was later published?

Upon returning to England, Gascoigne, the main author of probably the most talked about book throughout the educated classes — particularly the ladies — executed a bold gambit. He would publish a corrected edition in order to disguise the offensive material. Very little would be removed. First, he re-titled the most offensive “adventures”:

I understande that sundrie well disposed mindes have taken offence at certaine wanton wordes and sentences passed in the fable of Ferdinando Jeronimi, and the Ladie Elinora de Falasco, the which in the first edition was termed The adventures of master F. J.3

The new title would be:

The pleasant Fable of Ferdinando Jeron[i]mi and Leonora de Valasco translated out of the Italian riding tales of Bartello.4

In this way, the young courtier who had written under the moniker Si Fortunatus Infoelix (F.I.), in the rest of the anthology, was instantly removed as the romantic protagonist of the tale. The Elinor, who he liberally compared to the goddess Cynthia, and referred to as his queen, became the Spanish Leonora a name that did not in the least begin with the letters “E-l”. No one cared then, or cares now (except for historians of literature), that no evidence of such a tale by Bartello exists.

After defending the titillating material of the anthology as something intended as a morality tale for young courtiers Gascoigne declares that it was actually he who wrote all of the poems. There had been no manuscript anthology.

I thought good to advertise thee, that the most part of them were written for other men. And out of all doubt, if ever I wrote lyne for my selfe in causes of love, I have written tenne for other men in layes of lust.... For when I did compile any thing at the request of other men, if I had subscribed the same with mine owne usuall mot or devise, it might have bewrayed the same to have beene of my doing. And I was ever curious in that behalfe, as one that was lothe to bewray the follies of other men. And yet (as you see) I am not verie daungerous to lay my selfe wide open in view of the worlde. I have also sundrie tymes chaunged mine owne worde or devise.

The poems had numerous monikers because he needed to pretend that he was many different poets in his role as ghost-writer and in order to people his subsequent morality tale.

Through all of this we learn a great deal. Literary hangers-on more at the periphery of the Court befriended the young courtiers, in the process partaking in the popular practice of passing around poems. The affair of the Flowers, then, expands, by just one among many examples, our understanding of such references as Shakespeare's “sugared sonnets among his private friends.”5

As early as 1566, Richard Edwards, Master of the Children of the Royal Chapel, had collected a now famous manuscript anthology from the most talented of his charges. Now, some 7 years later, in 1573, GT had collected another featuring at least two of the same promising young poets. GT's was published in the 1573 collection.

GT's attempt to ingratiate himself with the young men of the Court caused such a furor that it had to be apologized for, edited... and reissued. For even a Queen could only be enormously flattered so long as outsiders would think the tale was not about her — not about her chivalric love affair — but someone else like her.

26. A second edition in just over a year implies that the first had been a smashing success (by the measure of the day). A second edition announcing a cloud of scandal around the work was likely to make it even more attractive. With some high drama, lots of fast talk and a few tweaks all could be put right, the Queen flattered to be portrayed in less personally identifiable terms as a goddess on earth, and Gascoigne’s attempt to attract noble patronage would prove to have worked far better than he might have imagined. He clearly was not among the faint of heart.6

Edwards' manuscript anthology was published, in 1576, as A Paradise of Dainty Devices. There were no apparent signs of Court scandal. It, too, contains many details of the social milieu surrounding the Court and the practice of passing around poetry but they are much quieter.

George Gascoigne was pressed into service by Robert Dudley, the Earl of Leicester, to write a considerable portion of the entertainments for the famous visit of Elizabeth to the earl's seat at Kenilworth castle, in July of 1575, and soon after received a position at Court. He died just over a year later, at the age of 52, from what was apparently an extremely painful cancer. History remembers him for being a major influence on the works of Shakespeare.




1 Gascoigne, George. A Hundreth sundrie Flowres (1573), 201.

2 Purdy, Gilbert Wesley. Shakespeare in 1573: Aprenticeship and Scandal (2021). 13. https://www.amazon.com/dp/B096GSQV14

3 Cunliffe, John W. The Compete Works of George Gascoigne (1907). I.7.

4 Ibid.

5 Meres, Francis. Paladis Tamia (1598).

6 Purdy, 26.



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