Saturday, February 08, 2025

The Execution of Mary, Queen of Scots, February 8, 1587: Mary's little dog.

In the Execution of Mary series:


We return again to the “Reporte of the Manner of the Execution of the Sc. Q. Performed the viijth. of February, Anno 1586 in the great hall of Fotheringhay” given in Henry Ellis's Original Letters, Illustrative of English History. This is the final excerpt.


Her prayer being ended, the Executioners, kneeling, desired her Grace to forgive them her death: who aunswered, 'I forgive you with all my harte, for now, I hope, you shall make an end of all my troubles'. Then they, with her two women, helping of her up, began to disrobe her of her apparell ; then. She, laying her crucifix upon the stoole, one of the executioners tooke from her necke the Agnus Dei, which she, laying handes of it, gave it to one of her women, and told the executioner that he shold be aunswered mony for it. Then she suffered them, with her two women, to disrobe her of her chayne of pomander beades and all other her apparell most willingly, and, with joy rather then sorrowe, helped to make unready her selfe, putting on a pair of sleeves with her owne handes which they had pulled off, and that with some hast[e], as if she had longed to be gonn.

All this tyme they were pulling off her apparell, she never chaunged her countenaunce, but with smiling cheere she uttered thes wordes, 'that she never had such groomes to make her unready, and that she never put off her clothes before such a company.'

Then She, being stripped of all her apparell saving her peticote and kirtle, her two women beholding her made great lamentacion, and crying and crossing themselves prayed in Latin; She, turning herselfe to them, imbrasinge them, said thes wordes in French, ' Ne crie vous, j'ay prome pour vous,' [Do not cry, I promised for you.] and so crossing and kissing them, bad them pray for her and rejoyce and not weepe, for that now they should see an ende of all their Mistris troubles.

Then She, with a smiling countenaunce, turning to her men servauntes, as Melvin and the rest, standing upon a bench nigh the Scaffold, who sometyme weeping sometyme crying out alowde, and continually crossing themselves, prayed in Latin, crossing them with her hand bad[e] them farewell; and wishing them to pray for her even untill the last howre.

This don[e], one of the women having a Corpus Christi cloth lapped up three-corner-wayes, kissing it, put it over the Q. of Sc. face, and pinned it fast to the caule of her head. Then the two women departed from her, and she kneeling downe upon the cusshion most resolutely, and without any token or feare of death, she spake a lowde this Psalme in Latin, 'In te Domine confido, non confundar in eternaym,' &c. [In you, Lord, I trust, that I may not be confounded for eternity.] Then, groping for the blocke, she layed downe her head, putting her chynne over the blocke with both her handes, which, holding there, still had been cutt of had they not been espyed. Then lying upon the blocke most quietly, and stretching out her armes cryed 'In manus tuas, Domine,'' &c. [Into your hands, Lord.] three or fowre tymes. Then She, lying very still on the blocke, one of the executioners

holding of her sli[ght]ly with one of his handes, she endured two strokes of the other executioner with an axe, she making very smale noyse or none at all, and not stirring any parte of her from the place where she lay; and so the executioner cut off her head, saving one litle grisle, which being cutt asaunder, he lift up her head to the view of all the Assembly, and bad ' God save the Queene.' Then, her dressing of lawne falling off from her head, it appeared as grey as one of threescore and tenn yeares old, polled very shorte, her face in a moment being so much altered from the forme she had when she was alive, as few could remember her by her dead face. Her lippes stirred up and downe a quarter of an hower after her head was cut off.

Then Mr. Dean said with a lowde voice, 'So perish all the Queene's Enemyes;' and afterwards the Earle of Kente came to the dead body, and standmg over it, with a lowde voice said, ' Such end of all the Queenes and the Gospells enemyes.'

Then one of the Executioners pulling off her garters, espied her litle dogg which was crept under her clothes, which could not be gotten forth but by force, yet afterward wold not departe from the dead corpse, but came and lay betweene her head and her shoulders, which being imbrued with her bloode, was caryed away and washed, as all thinges el[se] were that had any bloode was either burned or clean washed: and the Executioners sent away with mon[e]y for their fees, not havinge any one thing that belonged unto her.1 And so, every man being comaunded out of the Hall, except the Sherife and his men, she was caryed by them up into a great chamber lying ready for the surgeons to imbalme her.

Secretary Walsingham received a letter on March 6, 1587, from his English agent, Robert Carvyle, describing the reaction to Mary's execution in Scotland. Sent together with the letter was a little trinket accompanied by a verse.


“To Jesabell that English heure [whore],

Receyve this Scottishe cheyne,

As presagies of her gret malhouer

For murthering of owre Quene.

The Chayne was a little Corde of hemp, tied halter-wise [a small hempen noose].”2


These seem to have been from Sir Roger Ashton, a staunch Catholic Englishman who was apprehended later in the year and hanged, drawn and quartered in 1598.




1 The executioners could claim the possessions of the person executed — on his/her person and in their cell — by way of payment for the execution. In this instance, no possessions were made available and they were paid in money instead.

2Ellis, Original Letters, Illustrative of English History (1827). Robert Carvyle of Berwick to Secretary Walsingham, after the death ofthe Scottish Queen. III.118-20@120.



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Sunday, February 02, 2025

The Execution of Mary, Queen of Scots, February 8, 1587: Mary refuses a Protestant prayer.

In the Execution of Mary series:


We return again to the “Reporte of the Manner of the Execution of the Sc. Q. Performed the viijth. of February, Anno 1586 in the great hall of Fotheringhay” given in Henry Ellis's Original Letters, Illustrative of English History.


After this She, being supported by Sir Amias two gentlemen aforesaid, and Melvin carying up her trayne, and also accompanied with the Lordes, Knightes, and Gentlemen aforenamed, the Sherife going before her, she passed out of the entery into the great Hall, with her countenance carelesse, importing thereby rather mirth then mournfull cheare, and so she willingly stepped up to the scaffold which was prepared for her in the Hall, being two foote high and twelve foote broade, with rayles round aboute, hanged and couvered with blacke, with a lowe stoole, long cushion, and blocke, couvered with blacke also. Then, having the stoole brought her, she satt her downe ; by her, on the right hand, satt the Erle of Shrewsbury and the Erle of Kent, and on the left hand stoode the Sherife, and before her the two executioners; round about the rayles stood Knightes, Gentlemen, and others.

Then, silence being made, the Queenes Majesties Commission for the execution of the Queen of Scots was openly redd by Mr. Beale clarke of the Counsell; and thes wordes pronounced by the Assembly, 'God save the Queene' During the reading of which Commission the Q. of Sc. was silent, listening unto it with as small regarde as if it had not concerned her at all; and with as cheerfull a countenaunce as if it had been a Pardon from her Majestic for her life; using asmuch straungenes in worde and deede as if she had never knowne any of the Assembly, or had been ignorant of the English language.

Then on[e] Doctor Fletcher, dean of Peterborowe, standmg durectly before her, without the rayle, bending his body with great reverence, began to utter this exhortacion following: 'Madame the Q. most excellent Matie. &c.' and iterating theis wordes three or fowre tymes, she told him, 'Mr. Dean, I am settled in the auncient Catholique Romayne religion, and mynd to spend my bloode in defence of it.' Then Mr. Dean said, 'Madame, chaung your opinion and repent you of your former wickednes, and settle your faith onely in Jesus Christ, by him to be saved.' Then she aunswered agayne and againe, 'Mr. Deane, trouble not yourselfe any more, for I am settled and resolved in this my religion, and am purposed therein to die.' Then the Earle of Shrewsbury and the Earl of Kente, perceavinge her so obstinate, tolde her that sithence she wold not heere the exhortacion begonn by Mr. Dean, 'We will pray for your Grace, that it stande with Gods will you may have your harte lightened, even at the last howre, with the true knowledge of God, and so die therein.' Then she aunswered ' If you will pray for me, my Lordes, I will thanke you; but to joyne in prayer with you I will not, for that you and I are not of one religion.'

Then the Lordes called for Mr. Dean, who kneeling on the skaffold staires, began this Prayer, "O most gracious God and merciful Father, &c." all the Assembly, saving the Queen of Scots and her servauntes, saying after him. Durmg the saying of which prayer, the Queen of Scots, sitting upon a stoole, having about her necke an Agnus Dei, in her hand a crucifix, at her girdle a pair of beades with a golden crosse at the end of them, a Latin booke in her hand, began with teares and with loud and fast voice to pray in Latin; and in the middest of her prayers she slided off from her stoole, and kneeling, said divers Latin prayers: and after the end of Mr. Deans prayer, she kneelinge, prayed in Englishe to this effecte: 'for Christ his afflicted Church, and for an end of their troubles; for her Sonne; and for the Queen's Majestie, that she might prosper and serve God aright.' She confessed that she hoped to be saved 'by and in the bloode of Christ, at the foote of whose Crucifix she wold shedd her bloode.' Then said the Earle of Kent, ' Madam settle Christ Jesus in your harte, and leave those trumperyes.' Then she litle regarding, or nothing at all, his H. good counsell, went forward with her prayers, desiring ' that God wold averte his wrath from this Ilande, and that he wold give her griefe, and forgivenes for her sinnes.' These, with other prayers she made in English, saying she forgave her enemyes with all her harte that had longe sought her bloode, and desired God to converte them to the truthe; and in the end of the Prayer she desired all Saintes to make intercession for her to Jesus Christ, and so kissing the crucifix, and crossing of her also, said these wordes, 'Even as thy armes, O Jesus, was spredd here upon the Crosse, so receive me into thy armes of mercy, and forgive me all my sinnes.'1


While this would seem to be the most precise description of the execution, there are others. Agnes Strickland's Letters of Mary, Queen of Scots, etc. translates a dispatch from M. de Chateaunaff to the French King Henry III, dated February 27, 1587, in which the ambassador informs his king that the executioner was dressed and the hall entirely draped in black.


“There is a spacious hall in the said castle, where was erected a scaffold covered with black cloth, with a cushion of black velvet... more than three hundred persons of the village and other neighbouring places had been admitted into the said hall.”2

The ambassador had his information at third-hand and it may have been embellished. Nothing in the eye-witness account from Ellis, however, actually contradicts Chateaunaff's.




1 Ellis, Henry. Original Letters, Illustrative of English History (1827). III.113ff.

2Strickland, Agnes. Letters of Mary, Queen of Scots, and Documents Connected With Her Personal History (1842). II.178, 179.


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Tuesday, January 28, 2025

The Execution of Mary, Queen of Scots, February 8, 1587: executioners fear her servants will preserve her blood.

In the Execution of Mary series:


A Reporte of the Manner of the Execution of the Sc. Q. Performed the viijth. of February, Anno 1586 [1587 N.S.] in the great hall of Fotheringhay with Relacion of Speeches uttered and Accions happening in the said Execution from the delivery of the said Sc. Q. to Mr. Thomas Androwes Esquire Sherife of the County of Northampton unto the end of the said Execucion.


First, the said Sc. Q. being caryed by two of Sir Amias Pauletts gentlemen, and the Sherife going before her, cam most willingly out of her chamber into an entery next the Hall, at which place the Earle of Shrewsbury and the Earle of Kente, commissioners for the execucion, with the two gouvernors of her person, and divers knightes and gentlemen did meete her, where they found one of the Sc. Q. servauntes, named Melviii, kneeling on his knees, who uttered these wordes with teares to the Q. of Sc. his mistris, ' Madam it wilbe the sorowfullest messuage that ever I caryed, when I shall report that my Queene and deare Mis' tris is dead.' Then the Qu. of Sc. shedding teares, aunswered him, ' You ought to rejoyce rather then weepe for that the end of Mary Stewards troubles is now come. Thou knowest Melvin that all this world is but vanity, and full of troubles and sorowes; cary this mesuage from me and tell my frendes that I die a true woman to my religion, and like a true Scottish woman, and a true French woman. But God forgive them that have long desired my ende; and he that is the true Judge of all secret thoughtes knoweth my mynde, how that ever it hath been my desire to have Scotlande and Englande united together. Comend me to my Sonne, and tell him that I have not donn any thinge that may prejudice his Kingdom of Scotland; and so, good Melvin, farewell;' and kissing him, she badd him pray for her.1

Then she turned her to the Lordes and told them that she had certayne requestes to make unto them. One was for a some of raony, which she said Sir Amias Paulett knewe of, to be paide to one Curie her servaunte; next, that all her poore servauntes might enjoy that quietly which by her Will and Testamente she had given unto them; and lastly that they might be all well intreated, and sent home safely and honestly into their contryes. 'And this I doe conjure you, my Lordes, to doe.'

Aunswere was made by Sir Amias Paulett, ' I doe well remember the mony your Grace speaketh of, and your Grace neede not to make any doubte of the not performaunce of your requestes, for I doe surely thincke they shalbe graunted.'

' I have,' said she, ' one other request to make unto you, my Lordes, that you will suflfer my poore servauntes to be present about me at my death, that they may reporte when they come into their countryes how I dyed a true woman to my religion.'

Then the Earle of Kente, one of the commissioners, aunswered, ' Madam it cannot welbe graunted, for that it is feared least some of them wold with speeches both trouble and greive your Grace and disquiett the company, of which we have had already some experience, or seeke to wipe their napkins in some of your bloode, which were not convenient.'

'My Lord,' said the Q. of Sc. ' I will give my word and promise for them that they shall not doe any such thinge as your Lordship hath named. Alas! poor sowles, yt wold doe them good to bidd me farewell. And I hope your Mistres, being a mayden Queene, in regard of womanhood, will suffer me to have some of my owne people aboute me at my death. And I know she hath not given you so straight a commission but that you may graunt me more then this, if I were a farr meaner woman then I am.' And then (seeming to be greeved) with some teares uttered thes wordes; 'You know that I am cosin to your Queene, and discended from the bloode of Henry the Seventh, a maryed Queene of Fraunce, and the anoynted Queene of Scotlande.'

Whereupon, after some consultacion, they graunted that she might have some of her servauntes accordinge to her Grace's request, and therefore desired her to make choice of halfe a dosen of her men and women: Who presently said, that of her men she wold have Melvin, her poticary, her surgeon, and one other old man beside; and of her women, those two that did use to lye in her chamber.



Source: Ellis, Henry. Original Letters, Illustrative of English History (1827). III.113-4.



1 The Earl o Kent and Mr. Beale relate this scene a little diiferently: they say, " At the stayre foot she pawsed to speake to Melvile in our hearinge, which was to this effecte : ' Melvile, as thou hast byn an honest servaunt unto me, so I pray thee to contynue to my sonne, and commend me unto him. I have nott impugned his Religion nor the Religion of others, butt wyshe him wele. And as I forgive all that have offended me in Scottland, so I would he should allso, and beseache God that he would send him his hollye spirytt and yllumynate him.' Melvill's aunswere was that he would so doe, and at that instant he would beseache God to assist him with his spirytt. Then shee demaunded to speake with her Priest which was denyed unto her, the rather for that she came with a superstityous payre of beades and a crucifix. She then desired to have her women to helpe her, and uppon her earnest request, and sayinge that when other Gentlewomen were executed shee had redd in Cronycles that they had women allowed unto them, yt was permytted that shee should have twoe named by her selfe, which were M. Curie, and Kennedie.


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Sunday, January 12, 2025

It's All In the Cards.

The Tudor nobility were great card players. Playing cards had been introduced to the kingdom in the mid-15th century, by all appearances. We learn from Strutt that

The privy purse expenses of Henry VII. show his losses at cards on several occasions.1

While rare examples of the cards themselves survive, the rules by which they were played were only hinted at. Edmond Hoyle would not publish his famous rules for another century and a half.

When the sixteenth century is reached the references to card-playing in England, and the proofs that it was popular among all classes, are most abundant. Losses at cards occur in Henry VIII. privy purse expenses; whilst those of his daughter Mary, afterwards Queen, from 1536 to 1544, show that card-playing was her constant habit.


As for commoners, they were forbidden dicing and card-playing except during Christmas.

A statute of 1541 forbids card-playing by the working-classes.2

Not that all obeyed.

Whole chapters could be filled with the notices of cardplaying that occur in the poems and plays of this century. One must suffice. In the comedy of Gammer Gurtons Needle, first printed in 1551, old Dame Chat thus invites two of her friends to a game of cards :—

What, Diccon ? Come nere, ye be no stranger,

We be fast set a trump, man, hard by the fire ;

Thou shalt set on the king, if thou come a little nyer.

Come hither, Dol; Dol, sit down and play this game,

And as thou sawest me do, see thou do even the same,

There is five trumps besides the queen, the hindmost thou shalt find her,

Take hede of Gim Glover's wife, she hath an eye behind her.


The kingdom's need for archers was the first motive for laws forbidding other types of gaming than archery competitions. The need for able-bodied infantry allowed for wrestling matches.

With the rise of the influence of the spoil-sport Puritans, the focus turned to the evil effects of most other means of having fun. Claims of pagan origins (in this instance, the Tarot) were highlighted.

Minister Northbrooke was most strenuous in his condemnation of cardplaying in Elizabeth's reign, stating that— "The plaie at Cardes is an invention of the devill, which he founde out, that he might the easilier bring in idolatrie amongest men: For the Kings and Coate cardes that we use nowe were in olde time the images of idols and false Gods, which since they that woulde seeme Christians have chaunged into Charlemaine, Launcelot, Hector, and suchlike names, because they would not seeme to imitate their idolatrie therein, and yet mainteine the plaie itselfe, the verie invention of Saban the Devill and woulde so disguise this mischiefe under the cloak of suche gaie names."

The knaves of that date, in English and French packs, were usually known as Lancelot, Hogier, Rolant, and Valery; the kings bore the names of David, Alexander, Caesar, and Charlemagne ; and the queens, Rachael, Argine, Pallas, and Judith.3

As the quote from Gammer Gurton informs us, any given group of players might have its own names for the face-cards.

So then, we know far more about the evil effects of card-playing on the Christian soul than we do about the rules of the games during the 16th century.

Primero and Maw.—Queen Elizabeth was fond of taking a hand at Primero which was then the fashionable game of cards. The favourite game of James I. was Maw which took the place of Primero during his reign ; it afterwards became popular under the name of Five Cards.4


A page called “Primero: A Renaissance Cardgame” seems to have had some success in giving us the rules of the most popular card game of the century, Primero.

Four cards are dealt, face down, to each player in the standard manner.... Starting with the player to the dealer's left, each player has three options: bid, stake, or pass.... Staking, or "covering" a previous bid involves putting money down. No other action is necessary or required.5

My limited reading in the primary sources confirm both the description and the fact that 16th century Europeans were constitutionally unable to simply state a set of rules without cloaking them in all the mystery of an alchemical text.


Shamelessly having endangered the reader's mortal soul, I further quote Northbrooke, from Taylor's History of Playing Cards, in hopes of overcoming the effect:

John Northbrooke, in his Treatise against Dicing, Dauncing, &c., published about 1577, writes thus: “ And therefore to conclude, I say with that good father, St. Cyprian, the playe at cardes is an invention of the deuill, which he found out that he might the easier bring in ydolatrie amongst men. For the kings and coate cardes that we vse nowe were in old times the images of idols and false gods, which they that would seeme Christians, have changed into Charlemaine, Launcelot, Hector, and such lyke names, bicause they would not seeme to imitate their idolatrie therein, and yet maintaine the playe itselfe the very inuention of Satan, the deuill, and woulde so disguise the mischeife vnder the cloake of such gaye names.”6

Still, having balanced my accounts somewhat, I cannot resist the temptation to quote once more from Taylor on the sinful side of the ledger where we learn that King James's

favourite game appears to have been Maw, which is alluded to in a passage quoted by Mr. Chatto, from a satirical pamphlet of this reign, called Tom Tell-troath, and re-printed in the Harleian Miscellany; “They say you have lost the fairest game at Maw that ever king had, for want of making the best advantage of the five-finger, and playing the other helps in time. That your owne card-holders play bootie, and give the signe out of your owne hand, that hee you played withal hath ever been knowne for the greatest cheater in Christendome....”

Even without knowing the rules, the picture is wholly recognizable. It seems that card-playing is, indeed, a temptation too powerful to resist.




1 Strutt, Joseph. Sports and Pastimes of the People of England (1801). 260-1.

2 Ibid.

3Ibid.

4Ibid.

5Suzuki, Jeff. “Primero: A Renaissance Cardgame” https://math.bu.edu/INDIVIDUAL/jeffs/primero.html

6Taylor, Edward S. The History of Playing Cards (1865). 143-4.




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Sunday, December 29, 2024

Mr. Beal to Lord Burghley, 1578.

John Strype gives us, in the appendix to his Annals1, a calendar of documents (largely letters). Document Number 592 is from a Mr. Beal, sometime agent to Queen Elizabeth. Beal is defending his bill for services rendered over some two years. Such defenses were not uncommon as the Queen resisted paying her servants and agents as the rule. Many more than one courtier, even, served at a financial loss or waited for extended periods of time hoping to receive at least payment enough to recover their expenses.

Beal surely knew that Edward de Vere, the Earl of Oxford, was the son-in-law to Burghley, when he headed the list of his services with having recovered “ some of his stuff” and apprehended three of the pirates who had robbed him on his way across the Channel. The reference is to the taking by pirates of the ship upon which Oxford was a passenger, returning, in 1576, from a tour of France, Germany and (mostly) Italy.

The reader may recall that among Oxford's possessions were the famous scented gloves he was bringing back from Italy. Mr. Beal may be the means by which the Earl was said to have been robbed of all yet presented the gloves to the Queen at some time after his arrival back in England.

Shortly after this, Beal seems to have interceded with the Dutch authorities in behalf of the English merchants. At any given time the issues could be access to the Dutch and Flemish ports by English ships, piracy in Dutch and Flemish waters, increases in port fees, altered currency exchange rates, commodity price fixing, etc. The last three would have been handled by Thomas Gresham and his operatives. Beal must have been representing the English court in matters of access and/or security.

In the process of this second voyage, Beal, too, was waylaid by pirates. The waters were periodically infested with marauders. Queen Elizabeth, herself, informally hired their services from time to time.

Number LIX. 84


Mr. Beals voyages and embassies: which he writ and sent to the lord treasurer, to manifest his public services and good deserts.


A VOYAGE to the prince of Orange; carried with him seven persons [attendants] with him, and had allowance of her majesty 40s. per diem. Then he solicited the merchants' causes [against the pirates.] One of his businesses was to prosecute the injury done to my lord of Oxford; whereof three were found, and one imprisoned, and some of his stuff recovered. He was then in danger of drowning, and taken by the Spaniards, who lay at Brewershaven, by which he ventured to pass.

He went a second voyage to Holland, being abroad six months, and had with him eight men; and his allowance was 40s. per diem. Passing the seas, he and his company were spoiled of 250l. ready money, besides all their apparel and other furniture.

He made a long and winter journey, making a circuit to and fro of 1400 English miles at the least; repairing personally to nine princes, and sending her majesty's letters to three others.

“Although I never desired to be employed, yet being put into it, my endeavour hath been to discharge the credit committed to me, as might be for her majesty's honour. And as for her highness's sake great honour was in sundry places shewed me, so could I not but by some remembrance requite the same. And I protest upon my allegiance, that the gifts that I gave at the duke of Brunswick's and the landgrave's in ready money, and money's worth, for her majesty's honour, being her gossips, and having had nothing to my knowledge sent unto them, (and in other places,) came to better than 100l. And whoso knoweth the fashions and cravings of those princes' courts may well see, that, having been at so many places, I could not escape with less. My charges came in this voyage to 932l. one ways or other.

Before my going over I sold a chain, which I had of the queen of Scots, for 65l. The duke and duchess of Brunswic gave me a present of 1500 dollars, which is at the least in current money 340l.”


Strype informs us that these journeys into Holland and Germany were about the years 1577 and 1578.


In a second letter to Burghley, of April 15783, Beal makes his case at greater length:


Besides the losses of money and other things I sustained upon the seas, I would not be in like danger to be assaulted, and so violently taken hurt, kept under hatches, menaced with killing and drowning, in so terrible a sort, as it amazeth me to think of it: and after left without bread, drink, money, or other furniture, to the mercy of the seas, for ten times the charge her majesty hath been at being appointed to take the charge in hand, [that of an ambassador from the queen,] although I bear low sail in court; yet was I not in that service forgetful of her majesty's honour and my duty, but so far forth as my allowance and ability could stretch, I omitted not to do that became me.

Besides my six years continual attendance and service, I will not report the good-will I had to serve her majesty's ambassador in France, since the year 1564, and in Germany; as Mr. Henry Knowles and Mr. Killigrew can witness, without any charge to her highness.


Collecting one's wages from the Queen was clearly not an easy task.



1 Strype, John. Annals of the Reformation... During Queen Elizabeth's Happy Reign (1842).

2 Ibid. IV.117-8.

3 Ibid. 119.




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